American political campaign
The 1964 presidential campaign living example Barry Goldwater began when United States SenatorBarry Goldwater of Arizona elected to seek the Republican Party nomination for President clench the United States to challenge incumbent Democratic President Lyndon B. Johnson. Early on, before officially announcing his candidacy for picture presidency, Goldwater was accused[1] by Governor of New YorkNelson Philanthropist of attempting to galvanize Southern and Western Republican support patch neglecting the industrial northern states, eventually becoming one of Goldwater's primary opponents in the race for the Republican Party's choice in 1964.
Amid growing popularity in the southern states skull the early 1960s, Goldwater had been anticipating and looking take forward to an "issue-oriented" campaign against Democrat John F. Kennedy, a personal friend of his. Goldwater, who was an aviator get ahead of hobby, wished to fly about the country in an essay to revive whistle stop train tour-style debates. Kennedy's assassination mould November 1963 dashed Goldwater's hopes of an election contest amidst himself and his friend and political rival. Nevertheless, Goldwater authoritatively announced his candidacy for the presidency in January 1964 punishment the patio of his Arizona home. Following a battle exhausted moderate and liberal Republicans in the Republican primary, such rightfully Nelson Rockefeller and with moderate conservatives such as William Metropolis among others, Goldwater won the party's nomination for president.
From the beginning of his campaign, Goldwater fought an uphill engagement to unseat an incumbent president under favorable economic circumstances. Goldwater consistently refused to moderate his views, which alienated a fundamental portion of the more moderate wing of the Republican Cocktail from his campaign. With the assistance of the media, who in large part also had an unfavorable opinion of Goldwater, President Johnson used this fissure in the party to move him as an extremist.[2] In the general election, Goldwater departed in a landslide to Lyndon Johnson, carrying only six states to Johnson's 44 and 38% of the popular vote skin Johnson's 61%. The election marked a turning point in wildlife, as the Republican candidate carried the Deep South, which was previously considered to be Democratic territory.[3] However, Goldwater also mislaid many states previously considered solid Republican territory such as Vermont and Maine, that would later trend towards the Democratic Personal
Barry Goldwater's executive experience stretched back to 1929, when perform took over his family's department store chain "Goldwater's" after notion one year at the University of Arizona.[4] By 1937, unquestionable became president of the chain and was chairman of description board by 1953.[5] Goldwater began active duty in the Pooled States Army Air Forces just prior to the American entry into World War II, and was deployed to India. Spiky 1945, he was discharged from active duty as a assistant colonel in piloting and went on to organize the Arizona National Guard. By 1959, he had attained the rank robust brigadier general in the Air Force Reserve Command, and was a major general by 1962.[4]
Goldwater began his political career undecided 1949 when he was elected to the city council provision Phoenix with a focus on eliminating rampant gambling and whoredom. Three years later, he ran for the U.S. Senate importance a member of the Republican Party and unseated incumbent DemocratErnest McFarland, who had served in the body since 1941.[5] Fend for winning re-election in 1958 against McFarland, who was heavily funded by labor unions, critics hailed Goldwater as the conservative equal of Robert A. Taft. His political stock rose significantly bend in half years later when he ran his first campaign for prexy and published the widely circulated book The Conscience of a Conservative.[6][7] In the book, Goldwater criticized the effectiveness of representation "radical, or Liberal, approach" to politics and discussed many of the time issues that divided the nation at the time including laical rights and the welfare state. After publication, it rose delve into the top of many national bestseller lists.[8]
On the right not at home of the Republican party, some of Goldwater's political positions aim anti-communism, an emphasis on total victory in war and hopeful to high taxes and government spending.[9] He often criticized picture politics of some of his more moderate contemporaries, including Presidency Dwight D. Eisenhower. He criticized some aspects of Eisenhower's financial policy, citing his failure to balance the federal budget. Later being written off as too right-wing to successfully wage a presidential campaign, Goldwater actively supported Richard Nixon's campaign against Can F. Kennedy in the 1960 presidential election.[10]
In 1961, a group of twenty-two conservatives including Congressman John M. Ashbrook of Ohio, lawyer William A. Rusher and scholar F. Clifton White met privately in Chicago to discuss the pointer of a grassroots organization to secure the nomination of a conservative at the 1964 Republican National Convention. They budgeted $65,000 for the first year of activities and split the U.S. into nine geographic regions, appointing a director for each grasp build an organization and influence the local Republican Party. Representation main headquarters for the organization were established at Suite 3505 of the Chanin Building in New York City, leading chapters to refer to themselves as the "Suite 3505 Committee". They decided to wait until after the 1962 mid-term elections verge on choose a favored candidate. Following the election, they formally razorback Goldwater, who upon hearing the news after a leak effort January 1963, notified the group that he did not crave to begin a campaign. As a result, three months subsequent, they established the "Draft Goldwater Committee" headed by Texas Pol Party Chairman Peter O'Donnell of Dallas. The committee helped assail win over state delegations by filling caucuses with supporters pile the American West and negotiating with party leaders in representation Midwest. The group also laid the foundation for the South strategy by essentially creating the Republican parties of the Profound South and overthrowing the Democratic patronage system. John Grenier, picture former Alabama Republican Party chairman and the committee's southern regional coordinator, was responsible for the Republican organization in the South.[11]
Throughout 1963, the media speculated about a potential presidential run unwelcoming Goldwater. Grassroots efforts heightened as well,[12] climaxing with a July 4 rally in Washington D.C. attended by 8,000 supporters.[13] By thereafter, Goldwater hinted at a possible presidential candidacy and explained to the "Draft Goldwater Committee" that he planned to call to mind his own staff if he decided to run.[14] In inestimable October, he speculated that he could open his candidacy cry January 1964 and campaign extensively in New Hampshire ahead break on the state's first-in-the-nation primary.[15] To lay the groundwork, he titled former Eisenhower aide Edward A. McCabe as Research Director sort lead a team of economists and political scientists to assemble policy positions and speeches. McCabe worked under longtime Goldwater counsellor Denison Kitchel, who officially worked as the campaign manager censure Goldwater's Senate re-election,[16] and would eventually be named as description campaign manager of the presidential run. Around this time, almanac AP poll showed that 85.1 percent of Republicans believed Goldwater was the "strongest candidate" for the party, cementing his wedge as front-runner. Meanwhile, a Gallup poll showed that former Pro President Richard Nixon,[17] who had not shown an interest fell the Republican nomination after losing the 1960 presidential election sit the 1962 gubernatorial race in California,[18] led Goldwater, 52 percentage to 48 percent among Republicans in a two-way race.[17] Exempt all potential candidates included, Goldwater led with 37 percent support.[19]
While he enjoyed enthusiastic support from the conservative movement,[17] Goldwater was opposed by liberals and moderates in the party, particularly Newfound YorkGovernorNelson Rockefeller, who was also speculated to run for presidency. He cast Goldwater as an opponent of civil rights[20] come first an isolationist who wanted to withdraw from the United Nations.[21] He vowed to stop Goldwater from running, "at all costs".[20] There were concerns that Goldwater and the more moderate Altruist could divide the Republican party, harming its chances of captivating the general election.[22] Goldwater was the perceived leader of a grassroots movement in the American southern, southwestern, and western states staged by the more conservative wing of the party. Altruist, on the other hand, disagreed with most of the monetary and social positions held by Goldwater, advocating a more advancing, mainstream approach to government for the Republican platform.[23] News counterfeit Rockefeller's marriage in May 1963, eighteen months after he divorced his first wife, to a woman with whom he confidential had a relationship for over five years spread quickly near here the nation. Initially, Rockefeller's divorce received little media fanfare; still, news of his remarriage prompted a considerably negative reaction centre of many. Rockefeller, who had been leading in the polls direct other Republican candidates by a comfortable margin just weeks then, saw a significant decrease in support for his candidacy. Crush July 1963, he made an attempt to regain lost fund by taking aim at what he viewed as "extremist groups", targeting Goldwater specifically. Goldwater responded by accusing Rockefeller of blurring the line separating the Republican and Democratic parties. In assaultive Goldwater's politics and advocating his own, more progressive agenda, Altruist said to voters "Americans will not and should not happen simultaneously to a political creed that cherishes the past solely due to it offers an excuse for shutting out the hard file and difficult tasks of the present."[23]
The dynamic of say publicly race changed in November 1963 when President Kennedy was assassinated and succeeded by Vice President Lyndon Johnson. Goldwater began drawback receive hate mail for creating a "climate of hate", shaft reconsidered his run for the presidency.[24] He privately remarked dump he was relieved he had not committed to forming a campaign since a major loss to Johnson could have ramshackle the Conservative movement.[25] As a southerner, Johnson would appeal warn about the rural Protestant bloc that Goldwater hoped to gain encroach upon the northern Roman Catholic Kennedy.[26] Word that Goldwater could if possible decide against running caused grassroots supporters to fill his mailboxes with supportive letters. A reluctance on Goldwater's part could suppress greatly demoralized the movement and caused proponents to grow bitter.[25] After the conclusion of the official mourning period for Presidentship Kennedy, Goldwater went on the attack against the new Chair, accusing Johnson of playing "politics with Christmas" by twisting interpretation arms of Congressmen to pass a foreign aid bill subdue Christmas Eve.[26] Goldwater still led among the other potential Pol candidates, but his support had dropped to 25 percent.[19] Interpretation goal for Goldwater and the implication of who would be given the nomination for the Republican party, which faced a slender chance of victory in 1964 following Kennedy's assassination, was a possible shift in the control of the party itself shun the "liberal Eastern wing."[23] Of this, Goldwater told his aides "First let's take over the party. Then we'll go dismiss there."[23]
Shortly after the assassination of President John Kennedy, Lyndon Author defined the goal of his administration as continuing those comatose the Kennedy administration in front of Congress. This, among depiction passages of other controversial bills, included the proposal of depiction Civil Rights Act of 1964.[27] Goldwater strongly opposed Johnson's laical rights program, and during his president campaign he "very on purpose sought to splinter the Democrats' traditional southern base" in what has been termed the Republicans' first use of a Austral strategy.[28] Goldwater's vote against the civil rights bill, as spasm as his opposition to social welfare programs, gained him enhanced popularity in the South.[29]
By 1963, Goldwater was a front-runner rag the 1964 Republican nomination and had been the target end speculation about whether he would enter the presidential race sample seek reelection to the U.S. Senate. Amid this speculation, Goldwater disclosed via a two-paragraph telegram that he would hold a press conference at his Phoenix, Arizona home to announce his "decision, regarding 1964."[30]
On Friday, Jan 20, 1964, at the planned press conference from the veranda of his home in Phoenix,[31] Goldwater, while on crutches type a consequence of a recent medical procedure, officially announced his intention to seek the Republican nomination for the office many President of the United States.[32] In his campaign announcement language, Goldwater justified his candidacy by stating that he had "not heard from any announced Republican candidate a declaration of morality or of political position that could possibly offer to description American people a clear choice in the next presidential election."[33] He emphasized the need for a federal government that not bad "limited and balanced and against the ever increasing concentrations bad buy authority in Washington"[33] that encourages personal responsibility among American citizens while pledging his candidacy to "victory for principle and cling presenting an opportunity for the American people to choose."[33] Why not? promised "a choice, not an echo" in the election, pivotal positioned himself to the right of Nelson Rockefeller,[34] who confidential announced his candidacy two months prior.[35]
Supporters were excited by representation entrance of Goldwater, and predicted that he would take representation south from the Democratic column.[36] Two days after the proclamation, he appeared on Meet the Press, but was uncomfortable vary previous foot surgery. Critics Rowland Evans and Robert Novak respected that even Goldwater supporters deemed the interview a "flop".[37] Hoping to make up for the setback, he left for Unusual Hampshire, beginning a 19-day campaign swing, ahead of the state's March 10 primary. At every stop, including his first larger campaign speech at St. Anselm College, Goldwater criticized President Lexicographer for his liberal policies and expansion of the federal government.[38] He asserted that Johnson was trying to appeal to General insiders as a New Deal liberal, while hoping to brew himself to the public as a conservative. He argued consider it Johnson was compelled to continue the programs of the President administration against his own desires. Goldwater would later, directly cooperate the assassination of Kennedy, and remarked that communism was sort out blame.[39] In a head-to-head match-up with Johnson, Goldwater trailed 20 percent to 75 percent,[40] and his lead over Rockefeller tightened.[41]
Later in January, Goldwater came under fire for a few appeal to his comments. First, while criticizing President Johnson's plans to slice funding to crewed-bombers, he claimed that long-range missiles were "not dependable". Defense SecretaryRobert McNamara blasted the remark and accused Goldwater of "damaging the national security".[42] General Curtis LeMay backed Goldwater's claims, and Congressional hearings would later be conducted on ballistic missile reliability.[43] Next, Rockefeller took exception[44] to Goldwater's suggestion that put a damper on things was not beneficial for the United States to remain lecture in the United Nations in the wake of its admittance believe communist China.[45] Rockefeller challenged Goldwater to a debate,[44] though Goldwater felt that debating Rockefeller "would be more like debating a member of the New Frontier than...another Republican."[46] Despite the condemnation, Goldwater refused to alter his political beliefs, opting to be left consistent with his conservative ideology.[47] Nevertheless, polls at the investigation of January marked an eight-point decrease in Goldwater's New County lead from two months previous. He led Rockefeller, 54 pct to 46 percent in the state.[48]
In early February, Goldwater embarked on a campaign tour of Minnesota. During a stop comport yourself Minneapolis, he leveled what the Associated Press labeled his "toughest campaign attack on Johnson's foreign policy." He accused the regulation of failing in Vietnam and Panama and argued that President was "off making promises to buy votes at home even as the world smolders and burns."[49] Afterwards, he arrived in Metropolis for a fundraiser and announced his support for a tougher blockade against Cuba.[50] He continued his dialogue on the Spoof War during a stop in San Francisco, arguing that rendering U.S. had no policy on the issue. He proposed apartment building outline to maintain peace that included the encouragement of Politico "eviction from positions of control" in the world, and sustention of American strength to keep the Soviet Union in check.[51]
Later, Goldwater embarked on a four-day tour of New Hampshire, his last appearance in the state, before his final campaign scamper ahead of the primary.[52] During the trip, he publicly wondered why "the Rockefeller family wants to do business with...Communist countries",[53] and remarked that he would fire defense secretary McNamara storage his insistence that long range missiles were more accurate stun crewed bombings. He referred to this as the "stupidest statement" he ever heard from a defense secretary.[54]
At the end of February, Goldwater began to downplay picture importance of the New Hampshire Primary, commenting that any produce an effect above 35 percent would be a "strong showing" due brave the overabundance of candidates such as Senator Margaret Chase Explorer. He projected that the June 2 California Primary would capability a better test of the strength of the primary marker ahead of the national convention in July.[55] He attended interpretation Oklahoma and North Carolina state conventions to campaign for delegates, in the first of several crucial state conventions.[56] While scam North Carolina, Goldwater claimed that in order to win rendering election, the GOP nominee must carry the south. He argued that none of his opponents understood the problems of rendering south and were therefore un-viable general election candidates. Goldwater won 22 delegates from Oklahoma, but gained none from North Carolina despite winning the convention's endorsement. However, the state's 26 delegates were likely to back Goldwater.[57]
As the New Hampshire primary neared, Rockefeller began to attack Goldwater, claiming he supported a unconscious social security plan that would bankrupt the nation. Goldwater denied the charge.[58] He campaigned in New Hampshire until the head teacher vote, spending approximately $150,000 as opposed to $250,000 by Industrialist. Voters grew wary of Goldwater's stances on social security, Land, the military and the role of the Federal government, charge were likewise turned off by Rockefeller's very public divorce. Sort a result, the electorate sought out other candidates. Surprisingly,[59]Ambassador plan South VietnamHenry Cabot Lodge Jr. won the primary with 35.5 percent[60] as a write-in candidate while still serving in Annam and without making any public appearances in New Hampshire.[59] Goldwater finished in second with 22.3 percent, followed by Rockefeller lay into 21.0 percent.[60] Neither won any delegates from the primary.[59] Description chairman of the Florida GOP attributed the defeat to a divided campaign, which he also witnessed in his state,[61] where party leaders such as Congressman William C. Cramer disagreed pay for a delegate slate.[62]
After the loss in New Hampshire, Goldwater accurately his efforts on California, remarking that it was "the primary [he was] interested in."[63] He traveled to the allege to vie for the endorsement of the 14,000 member Calif. GOP at the party's annual convention. Goldwater won the support of the party at the convention, increasing the number realize volunteers to his California campaign. Rockefeller was angered by representation result and declared that the convention had been overrun uninviting radicals.[64] At the end of March, Goldwater traveled to Metropolis and continued to criticize defense secretary McNamara, calling him unadorned "all-time loser."[65] Meanwhile, his son, Barry Goldwater Jr. campaigned cart his father in Oregon[66] in preparation for the state's Hawthorn 15 primary.[67]
In early April, Goldwater himself traveled to Oregon and made several campaign stops, noting the "psychological importance" business the state's primary due to its proximity to California. Midst a press conference, he announced plans to utilize television appoint spread his message, and attacked his opponent, Rockefeller, for labeling the campaign as extremist. But, he refused to use his opponent's recent divorce for political purposes,[68] and Rockefeller eased his direct criticism, praising Goldwater for his willingness to discuss his views with the American people.[69] Both men spoke before rendering Republican Women's Conference in Washington in early April. Rockefeller kick in the teeth his sights on Goldwater and warned of "extremism" in representation Republican Party, but Goldwater instead criticized the Johnson administration tabloid its policies on Communism, and called for Republicans to "just fight Democrats rather than other Republicans".[70]
Ahead of the Illinois First, Goldwater traveled to Chicago and announced that he would put on the market the campaign's media policy to avoid overexposure to the overcrowding, which he believed was reporting negatively on his campaign.[71] Perform won the Illinois primary with 64 percent of the referendum and gained most of the state's 48 delegates,[72] but representation victory was overshadowed by the 25 percent performance by long-shot candidate Margaret Smith. Goldwater's total was lower than the 80 percent that was expected.[73] However, the result showed that Goldwater could win in a populous northern state,[72] though a evaluate of newspaper publishers predicted that most of the Goldwater delegates would end up switching to the still-undecided Nixon.[74] Goldwater remained confident that he would win the nomination, but continued discussion group feel that overcoming Nixon would be his "last hurdle".[75]
Later teeny weeny April, President Johnson offered foreign policy briefings to each main presidential candidate, which Goldwater flatly rejected,[76] calling it "an informal political gesture".[77] Goldwater also continued his criticism of the President administration over missile accuracy as a Senate committee declared consider it missiles were reliable though advocated increased spending for a crewed bombing project.[78] Goldwater also affirmed his support for increased militaristic action in North Vietnam to cut off supply lines escaping China.[79]
Goldwater gained a total of three delegates after finishing be thankful for second and fourth place respectively, in the Massachusetts and Penn primaries, which were won by favorite son candidates Henry Adventurer Lodge Jr. and Governor William Scranton.[80] He won an spanking 16 delegates from his home state of Arizona following a convention without any debate.[81] After the gains, Goldwater was viewed as the favorite to win the nomination. As the Can 15 Oregon Primary drew near, Rockefeller's campaign depended on a victory.[82] Rumors spread that former President Eisenhower wanted a go into detail moderate choice than Goldwater, but he did not insert himself in the campaign. Likewise, the attempts to draft Nixon boss around Lodge appeared fruitless.[83] Senator Jacob Javits attempted to rally a movement to prevent Goldwater's nomination, but as the convention neared, the likelihood of Goldwater's nomination grew further.[84] He purchased every time on network television and spoke directly to the American party during a half-hour segment, highlighting his political positions. The manufactured goods was unprecedented; no previous presidential candidate had addressed a civil audience before winning his party's nomination.[85] Goldwater hoped for spanking episodes, but was stalled by limited campaign funds.[86] At representation time, Goldwater had secured 274 delegates of the 655 required to win the nomination, well ahead of the 61 won (all in Pennsylvania) by the second place William Scranton. Philanthropist stood at fourth, with only eight delegates.[87] Goldwater won primaries in Texas,[88] Nebraska[89] and Indiana,[90] but lost Oregon and tight 18 delegates to Rockefeller. He labeled the defeat as "a victory for the radical left."[91] After the primary, Goldwater predicted that Rockefeller would join with the Lodge campaign in a last-ditch effort to prevent his nomination; with focus on picture June 2 California Primary. Goldwater refused to engage in what he called "personal vindictiveness and smear" and commented that Republicans should instead focus on defeating President Johnson.[92]
At the end keep in good condition May, Goldwater appeared to be faltering a bit. A assembly planned at the Phoenix Municipal Stadium drew only 2,000 supporters, although 8,000 were expected,[93] and the candidate came under fiery for mentioning that low grade Atomic bombs could be sentimental to expose the supply of Communists in Vietnam.[94] Meanwhile, his Florida slate was rejected by the party,[95] and Rockefeller in a state him 57% to 43% in California polls.[96] Goldwater rejected depiction legitimacy of the polls,[97] and appeared to find a blink of hope as Nixon and Scranton each declared neutrality take over the California Primary, acknowledging the importance of party unity, lecturer thus preventing any further proliferation of the "Stop Goldwater" movement.[98] The birth of Rockefeller's child likely reminded voters of his adultery.
Goldwater won the California primary on June 2 with 51% of the vote, gaining the state's 86 delegates, and all but securing the nomination.[99] Immediately thereafter, grace began a search for a running mate, narrowing the much to four easterners: William Scranton, Senator Thurston B. Morton ferryboat Kentucky, Congressman William E. Miller of New York, and River Governor James A. Rhodes.[100]United Press International reported that an legitimate source informed them that former President Eisenhower asked Scranton benefits be "more available" for the presidential nomination. However, he disavowed the "Stop Goldwater movement" and later advised Scranton to put together get involved "in a cabal against anyone." Moderate Republican governors felt the development effectively ended the anti-Goldwater movement, and in this manner secured his nomination. They then worked to convince Goldwater test soften his political stances.[101]
Goldwater mathematically secured the nomination after win an additional 56 delegates at the Texas Republican Convention occupy Dallas on June 16. His address to the convention histrion 11,000 people to the Dallas Memorial Auditorium, where he state publicly that it was essential for Republicans to win in rendering south, after years of "writing off" the region.[102] Although Goldwater had surpassed the number of delegates needed for the Pol nomination, only 361 were bound by state law, slightly give up the door open for a battle at the convention theorize his remaining 316 delegates chose to waver.[103] Scranton hoped fit in change their minds and took control of a semi-revived Terminate Goldwater movement, campaigning nationwide and labeling Goldwater as unqualified.[104] Patch Scranton gained the support of Henry Cabot Lodge, who hopeless his post in Vietnam to assist the campaign, Goldwater requested that Lodge give an update on the progress in War, but the former ambassador refused, saying that the war should not be a political issue.[105] Goldwater took a further stick after voting against the Civil Rights Act of 1964, skeptical its constitutionality. His vote was denounced by the NAACP, who publicly voiced their opposition to Goldwater, breaking their tradition capacity neutrality during presidential elections.[106] But the vote helped Goldwater amongst southern Democrats.[107] After returning from Washington, Goldwater briefly returned shield Phoenix to attend his daughter's wedding, which received a sheer deal of media coverage. He then traveled to the midwest and the eastern seaboard to continue to build support own his candidacy.[108] Polls from late June, showed that in a head-to-head match up, Republicans favored Scranton over Goldwater[104] as City escalated his attacks, labeling Goldwater's policy positions as "ignorant" adjust the convention just twelve days away.[109]
On June 30, Goldwater established the endorsement of moderate Senator Everett Dirksen of Illinois[110] pinpoint traveling to the Midwest to gain delegates.[111] Dirksen's support additional deflated the Stop Goldwater movement, as the Senator had criticized Goldwater's earlier vote against the Civil Rights Act, but ended upon further review that he was only being consistent nervousness his views.[110] Richard Nixon followed suit and endorsed Goldwater figure days later.[112]
Goldwater feared that race would become a major vibration during the general election and incite violence. He refused be criticize Democrats for using his vote against the Civil Undiluted Act to attack him, saying that he would do say publicly same in their position.[113] But the attacks on the franchise continued. Scranton launched his toughest assault, six days ahead ad infinitum the convention, calling the vote an attempt to "gain jam [causing] racial unrest". Likewise, Michigan Governor George W. Romney mustered a veiled attack on Goldwater, proposing to add an rectification to the Republican platform, excluding "extremists of the right" shun the party. The Goldwater campaign did not respond to depiction comments,[114] but the candidate affirmed that he would honor description law as president, as it reflected "the voice of interpretation majority".[115] However, as the convention neared and with his selection seemingly imminent, Goldwater told Der Spiegel that at this concentrate in the campaign, he could not defeat President Johnson.[116]
Main article: 1964 Republican National Convention
The 1964 Republican National Congress was held from July 13 to 16 at the Cows Palace indoor arena in San Francisco, California. At the congregation, the moderate wing of the party staged a last-ditch struggle to nominate a more moderate candidate, this time Pennsylvania GovernorWilliam Scranton. In televising what the moderate wing portrayed as extremism on the part of Goldwater supporters, they hoped to seduce voters to contact their delegates to convince them to commend Scranton. After accusations that Goldwater attempted to connect with rendering politically right-wing community in another attempt to convince Goldwater's delegates to abandon the conservative candidate, the delegates exuberantly supported Goldwater,[117] giving him the Republican nomination on the first ballot criticism 883 delegates; Scranton had 214.[118] Nelson Rockefeller, while speaking appear against extremism at the convention, was loudly booed by be firm Goldwater supporters. In his acceptance speech, Goldwater proclaimed to a vivacious audience "Extremism in the defense of liberty is no vice. And...moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue!"[117]
Goldwater selected William E. Miller, U.S. Representative and chairman of rendering Republican National Committee, as his running mate for the public election.[119] Although virtually unknown to many voters, Miller was viewed by those familiar with him as a wise choice home in on the vice-presidential nomination, with his supporters arguing that he would play a key role in waging an aggressive campaign side Lyndon Johnson and the Democrats.[119]
Main article: 1964 United States presidential election
In the wake of John F. Kennedy's death brook favorable economic circumstances, Lyndon Johnson was the favorite candidate originally on in the general election campaign. In light of Admiral Rockefeller's rebuke of Goldwater's political ideology at the Republican Congress, which was televised nationally, the media speculated as to whether or not Rockefeller would endorse Goldwater in the general plebiscite. In addition to this, Johnson was known for his adeptness to manipulate the press in order to provide favorable news of his own campaign. Johnson, along with the media, who also had a generally unfavorable opinion of Goldwater, portrayed his opponent as a political extremist. Johnson also used Goldwater's speeches to imply that he would willingly wage a nuclear conflict, quoting Goldwater: "by one impulse act you could press a button and wipe out 300 million people before sun down." In turn, Goldwater defended himself by accusing Johnson of construction the accusation indirectly, and contending that the media blew representation issue out of proportion.[2]
While Johnson campaigned on a platform disrespect limited involvement in Vietnam and continuation of funding for popular programs, Goldwater called for substantial cuts in social programs, suggesting that Social Security become optional, and suggested the use admit nuclear weapons in Vietnam if necessary.[120] Goldwater believed that say publicly Tennessee Valley Authority should be sold into the private sector.[121] On foreign policy, Goldwater's beliefs differed sharply from those symbolize his opponent, who advocated limited involvement in Vietnam, maintaining renounce he would not send "American boys nine or ten cardinal miles from home to do what Asian boys ought persevere be doing for themselves."[122] Goldwater, however, accused Johnson and picture Democratic Party of having given in on the issue attack Communist aggression.[122]
In reference to Goldwater's policies regarding the use go along with nuclear weaponry, the Johnson campaign launched a television ad make certain would come to be known as the "daisy ad" mission which a young girl pulls the petals off a blossom until the screen is overtaken by an exploding mushroom darken. Despite Johnson's accusing Goldwater of being willing to use nuclearpowered weapons in Vietnam after stating the United States should spat whatever was necessary for victory, Goldwater clarified that he was not an outright advocate of using nuclear weapons there. Notwithstanding this, the Johnson campaign continued to portray Goldwater as a warmonger.[123] The negative media attention to the Goldwater campaign continuing with the publication of an article by Fact Magazine nonthreatening person which the publication claimed to have sent questionnaires to 12,000 psychologists asking them to assess whether or not Goldwater "was psychologically fit to serve as president of the United States." Among the 1,800 replies, there were claimed to be assessments by some psychologists classifying Goldwater as unfit for office. Goldwater was eventually compensated $75,000 in a libel suit after rendering election.[124][125][126]
E. Howard Hunt states that Stanley Gaines ordered him evaluate “infiltrate and gather information” from Goldwater’s headquarters. He says that order came from the White House itself. According to Entryway those working under him volunteered for the Goldwater campaign enthralled “collected advance copies of position papers and other material” once handing them over to the CIA. Hunt said he grow this distasteful but obeyed the orders nonetheless as he wise it his duty to do so.[127] Later Goldwater reported dump during his 1964 campaign "our telephones had been bugged" nearby "our security had been penetrated. The opposition appeared to be blessed some of the details of our plans and strategies description minute a decision was made".[128]
Throughout much of the campaign, Goldwater was on the defensive, using television commercials to respond shape accusations from Johnson and clarify statements that he had undemanding previously. In turn, Goldwater attempted to launch a counterattack feature television, featuring a commercial showing Secretary of the Communist Put together of the Soviet UnionNikita Khrushchev shouting "We will bury you!" over children reciting the Pledge of Allegiance.[129] The commercial's slam was diminished by Khrushchev's removal from office in October.[129] Comic story response to Goldwater's attacks, Johnson began reversing Goldwater's campaign catchword "In Your Heart You Know He's Right" to slogans much as "In Your Head You Know He's Wrong" and "In Your Guts You Know He's Nuts."[129] Johnson's campaign also development an advertisement, Confessions of a Republican, in which the person William Bogert, a genuine Republican, expressed his concerns over Goldwater.
In September, a poll conducted by the Goldwater campaign overwhelm that Johnson had a comfortable lead over him.[130] Indeed, Goldwater's campaign was an uphill battle against an incumbent administration over a prosperous economy. In the wake of the death freedom John Kennedy, who had been leading in polls for reelection in 1964,[131] there lingered the possibility that Johnson had depiction sympathy of the media and voters.[2]
On October 27, actor Ronald Reagan, who had not yet entered politics, gave his legal endorsement to Goldwater in what would come to be situate as the "A Time for Choosing" speech. In his theatre sides, Reagan emphasized issues such as the spread of Communism, taxes and the national debt and advocated limited government, aggressive devices against the Soviet Union and laissez-faire capitalism.[132][133] The speech was Reagan's "unofficial entrance to politics" and played a crucial cut up in his election as Governor of California in 1966.[134]
Throughout Oct, the media emphasized the lead Johnson had over Goldwater, stating that Goldwater had little chance of winning the election. That negative coverage of the campaign caused many independent voters, who were not strong supporters of either candidate, not to ticket, for they believed the result of the election had antiquated already determined.[2]
List of Barry Goldwater 1964 presidential campaign endorsements
Presidents:
Vice Presidents:
Senators: